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Floods in Pakistan drown out a fake degrees scandal. See the News section.
Floods in Pakistan drown out a fake degrees scandal. See the News section.

A 400 page, 10 chapter publication from Unesco describes the social sciences and the role which they play in society. See our Special Report.
A 400 page, 10 chapter publication from Unesco describes the social sciences and the role which they play in society. See our Special Report.

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The Second Life avatar of the University of Western Australia's School of Physics manager Jay Jay Jegathesan, with avatar quadrapop Lane, at the university's campus in Second Life. See the Business section.


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FORD





  



CHINA-AFRICA: Development partner or neo-coloniser?
Loro Horta
29 November 2009
Issue: 0042



The second China-Africa summit meeting in Egypt, which witnessed the Chinese pledge $10 billion in concessional loans to African countries, has again brought to the fore the debate over Chinas growing profile in the continent.

First Published by YaleGlobal Online

The debate on China's meteoric rise in Africa has been dominated by two extreme and opposite views. One tends to see China's presence in the continent as generally negative and generating a lot of resentment among Africans. The second view is inclined to see the Chinese presence as largely beneficial, providing African states with generous aid in the form of soft loans, major infrastructure programmes but, above all, providing a balance to traditional European and American dominance of the region.

How do Africans see China? Based on 163 interviews and over a decade of living in Africa, I shall argue that both views are wrong and right, depending on to what region of Africa and to which group of Africans one is referring.

African elites in general seem to welcome China's new found enthusiasm for the continent. China provides many African governments with generous and large loans, allowing them to develop badly needed infrastructure, expand agriculture, and strengthen their security apparatus. Perhaps most attractive of all, Beijing asks no questions nor imposes any conditionality on such investments, at least for now.

China's so-called non-interference policy and its no-strings-attached approach to aid have gained it many friends and admirers among African elites. Moreover, China's model of a strong government and its focus on economic growth is looked upon by many African despots, and even some democratic leaders, as an example to follow.

Frustrated with decades of instability and corruption, which many African elites tend to blame on the West and its liberal democratic model, the continent's elites are fast embracing the Chinese model.

Out of the 67 African officials interviewed from six countries across the continent, ranking from junior military officers to a former president, 63 expressed quite positive views about China.

In contrast, out of the 98 non-government affiliated people interviewed - among them street sellers, teachers and small business people - 73 expressed highly negative views about China, some bordering on racism. From this small sample, hailing from Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Namibia, Cape Verde and Zambia, it becomes apparent that African elites clearly welcome the Chinese presence while the people are growing increasingly ambivalent.

These discrepancies result from the different ways in which China touches different sections of African societies. In Angola, where Western companies rely primarily on local labour, Chinese companies bring 70-80% of their labour from home. For instance, while nearly 90% of Chevron's workers are Angolan, including specialised personnel such as engineers and managers, Chinese oil companies employ fewer than 15% Angolans and usually at the end of the pay scale.

In 2006, at a Portuguese-run construction site in Maputo, Mozambique, there were only five Portuguese out of 120 workers. Nearby, a Chinese run site had 78 Chinese workers and only eight locals, three of whom were night watchmen.

The influx of thousands of Chinese migrants into Africa is becoming a major source of grievance for local populations. In Angola, Chinese street sellers are fast putting out of business thousands of locals and Malian sellers who have been there for generations. The fact that many Chinese tend to live in isolation with little or no contact with the local population further aggravates the resentment already present.

China has also been accused of serious environmental damage in Mozambique, Southern Sudan, and Equatorial Guinea to mention a few. In Southern Sudan, local villages attacked a Chinese oil team, killing its leader, whom they accused of poisoning their land. Chinese workers have also been killed in Ethiopia and Equatorial Guinea; while in Nigeria, rebels warned Chinese companies to stay way from the oil-rich Niger delta region.

Although African elites and the Chinese government sing the song of friendship and mutually beneficial south-south cooperation, there is growing resentment at the grassroots level that has so far been ignored. It should be mentioned that this resentment is not common or equally acute in all countries.

In Cape Verde, one of the continent's most successful and transparent countries, the government has imposed strict conditions on Chinese investment such has requirements on hiring locals and environmental standards. A similar situation obtains in Botswana and Namibia.

The influx of thousands of Chinese migrants into Africa is becoming a major source of grievance for the local population. Chinese companies are not the only ones at fault on environmental issues but on the hiring of local labour, Chinese companies have by far the worst record.

The large influx of Chinese migrants, many of whom are illegal, has caused severe damage to China's image as a great power in the eyes of the Africans. As noted by a Mozambican high school teacher: "They say China is a great power just like America. But what kind of great power sends thousands of people to a poor country like ours to sell cakes on the street and take the jobs of our own street sellers who are already so poor?

Unless these issues are addressed, the growing resentment in the lower sectors of African society may erupt into violent incidents and undermine a relationship that could bring great potential benefits for both sides, provided it's wisely managed.

To its credit, Beijing has taken some positive steps to address this problem by restricting Chinese textile exports to certain African countries to protect indigenous industries and pledging to employ more Africans in its projects.

However, judging by the record of Chinese companies in their own country, there are great limitations to what the Chinese government may achieve. How could one expect Chinese mining companies in Africa to comply with environmental and safety laws if the mines they operate in China are considered the most dangerous in the world?

Nonetheless, China assisted Africa at a time when many in the West scorned the continent. After the end of the Cold War, Africa was abandoned by the West and the 1990s were marked by great suffering and instability.

China's meteoric rise in Africa forced many in the West to re-engage with the continent, diminishing its marginalisation. Beijing built major infrastructure projects such as mega dams, badly needed roads and telecommunications in the continent that no Western nation was willing to fund.

Still, it remains to be seen if in the long run, the benefits will outweigh the many problems caused by the new great power in the African savanna. Perhaps in the end, the greatest responsibility lies with African elites, Cape Verde and a few others that have shown that with an honest and responsible approach, Sino-African ties can be highly beneficial to both sides.

As noted by a former Mozambican foreign minister: "In the end it's up to us, the Chinese like anyone else have their interests and will plunder us to the extent that we let them. Africa's future is in our hands like it has always been. Let's stop blaming others and wait for people to feel sorry for us."

* Loro Horta is a Visiting Fellow with the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. He lived in Africa for several years where he worked for humanitarian relief organisations and in law enforcement.

* The article "China in Africa: Soft power, hard results" first appeared in YaleGlobal Online, a publication of the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization.

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