Despite the assassination and attempted assassination of a number of candidates in the run-up to local elections in Iraq last January, for the main the event passed off without the feared descent into violence and bloodshed. In fact, the elections delivered a number of secular candidates into the political arena and left a tentative note of optimism in the air, even among those who watch from recent exile, constantly assessing the risks of return. Although this is by no means the 'normalisation' of Iraq that some wish to have you believe, nevertheless in this continuing fragile environment there is a burgeoning sense of possibility. What does this mean for Iraq's higher education sector? How best to support the renaissance of this once much vaunted 'beacon' in the region?

The attack on Iraq's higher education sector and its international isolation goes back nearly two decades to the imposition of UN sanctions - at best highly questionable and at worst obscenely corrupt and damaging. The sanctions denied academics access to scientific and medical journals, essential equipment, the internet, international collaboration and much more besides, depriving in turn the Iraqi people of academic expertise, as part of a deliberate strategy of deskilling.

The task, therefore, is not just to repair the wanton destruction of Iraq's higher education infrastructure since 2003, nor simply to reverse the massive outflow of Iraq's academic and administrative capital, among the hundreds of thousands who fled Iraq in fear of their lives.

At its most elemental, the task is about drawing the Iraqi higher education sector academically, structurally and administratively into the 21st century and back into the international arena.

There has been no independent quality control agency to monitor and ensure minimum standards in teaching and research across higher education institutions. And there have been no government or private research-funding bodies to consistently encourage, nurture, support and reward excellence in research.

Likewise, there has been little possibility of international collaboration for a generation of academics that has never had the opportunity to engage internationally. Nor have there been many possibilities for international publication given the isolation and declining academic rigour.

The most fundamental of the many challenges facing Iraq's higher education sector is that of re-establishing its universities as independent institutions, dedicated to education, learning and knowledge-creation, free of political, religious, ethnic and sectarian influence, and free of the control of those who would use them as personal fiefdoms and for personal gain.

Encouragingly, the rhetoric of independence is now being heard at ministerial level, seemingly accompanied by the political will to halt the spiral of academic decline, which went into freefall post-2003, and the exodus of so many of Iraq's academic leaders.

For those now living in exile, however, the complexities associated with return are considerable, with the inevitable question of security and protection lying at its heart following the assassination of more than 300 of their colleagues.

The decision as to when security is 'sufficient' to engender return remains a very personal one and, although recent months have seen a trickle back, the return of Iraq's higher profile academics - among the first to have been included on the hit lists - is less imminent.

The Iraqi government's adoption of strong-arm tactics to try to force return, including public vilification in an ironic echo of the Bush 'you're either with us or against us' stance, has been unhelpful. So has the formal dismissal of a large number of people from academic posts for their failure to return, despite their critical importance to Iraq's future and the resulting catastrophic loss right across the discipline spectrum.

But more recently, the 'them and us' rhetoric seems also to have softened, opening the way for more creative approaches and lateral thinking on initiatives to support the re-engagement of this critical group as academic leaders, mentors, supervisors, lecturers, researchers and political advisors - pending their return.

With the support of members of the CARA Scholars at Risk UK University Network, a collaboration of 45 UK universities working to promote and defend academic freedom and provide practical support for academics at risk, CARA is developing and implementing a Middle East programme to which Iraq's academics in exile are central.

Through a number of complementary up-skilling, research and international networking activities, the programme aims to sustain and enhance Iraq's academic capital in exile, while also facilitating and supporting active contributions to Iraq's higher education sector - using the latest online communication technologies - and to the future of its independent thinkers.

CARA will run a number of pilot schemes whose success will also depend on the support and engagement of the Iraqi Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, with whom positive dialogue is ongoing.

As for the question of increased security and protection to support return, bringing an end to the current climate of impunity in which not a single perpetrator of the targeted campaign of assassinations against Iraqi academics has been brought to justice, is an obvious and long overdue starting point.

Much might also be achieved by running a national public awareness and education campaign to highlight the critical importance of Iraq's educators and educational institutions to the future economic prosperity of its children, as well as to its future economic development.

In this all-important election year - Iraq's national elections are to be held in December - there are windows of opportunity which, coupled with opportunism and vested interest, may encourage senior politicians from all parties and local religious and community leaders to collectively support initiatives from which Iraq and its people will finally be the outright winners.

* Kate Robertson works with CARA, the Council for Assisting Refugee Academics..

Comment:
Surely the task is not to "rebuild" Iraqi universities into independent, high quality, internationally-engaged institutions of higher leaning. They NEVER were, not under the monarchy, nor subsequently, and certainly not under the Ba'athist regime. Alas there are not many role models of examples anywhere in the Arab world..

Professor Martin Rudner


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